Thursday, October 17, 2019

Financial plan Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 1250 words

Financial plan - Essay Example During this time, a majority of the students on campus leaves and return to their homes and if they have a pet, they must either take it home with them where it might not be allowed, or they have to find a boarder, which is where we come in. We will be offering not only students, but also all members of the Bloomington community, the ability board their animals for extended periods for a fee. Some of the major sources of revenue to the Hoosier Pet Palace include pet grooming and boarding, breeding, and handling. On the other hand, the expenses are in the form of food for dogs, veterinary services, wages, electricity, interest on loan and others. Situational Review Hoosier Pet Palace is a unique entity, being the first to incorporate both pet care service and waste food recycling, Hoosier Pet Palace has a great potential for growth and limited competition in Bloomington, Indiana. There are two major pet care service providers in Bloomington: Canine Companions and The Dog House. Canine Companions was established in 1993 that distinguish themselves from others as â€Å"the only complete full-service one-stop pet care facility in the Bloomington area.† Not only do they provide daycare, they also provide boarding programs, medical treatments, training, exercise options, and grooming services. The Dog House, established in 2005, prides themselves as â€Å"Bloomington’s first and only cage-free boarding and doggy daycare facility.† Both of them have been in Bloomington for years and have established a customer base, which would compete directly with Hoosier Pet Palace. However, unlike Hoosier Pet Palace, they only provide caring services for dogs. Not only would Hoosier Pet Palace provide our service to owners of dogs, we would also provide our service to owners of cats, rabbits, birds, and more. Sources of Start-up Funding Hoosier Pet Palace needs approximately $185,000 for start-up and is in the process of going to banks and different loan agenc ies to borrow sufficient starting capital to acquire all necessary property, materials, and resources. We will be presenting our business plan to different loan agencies hoping for investment. We believe that our business will be successful because of the need that we will be satisfying. Our target market is in abundance in the Bloomington area, so we see a direct need to have an animal boarding facility available to them. Another reason we believe our business will be successful is because of the â€Å"green† initiative that we will be basing our company off. This will appeal to not only the students of the community but also the environmental friendly activists in the community. Strategy for Paying the Loan The bank loan is the largest expense the Hosier Pet Palace will incur throughout the first three years of operation. The business believes it will be successful in its activities and generate enough revenue to continue the business and pay the loan. This is justified by the fact that the target market is abundant in the area and there is need for an animal boarding facility. In addition, the college students have many pets that need services that will be offered by Hoosier Pet Palace. Operational Expenses during start-up Period Hoosier Pet Palace needs approximately $185,000 for starting up the business. This money will go into paying start-up expenses shown in the table below and acquiring the list of equipment for pet care.

How successful was the strategic bombing of Germany in the Second Essay

How successful was the strategic bombing of Germany in the Second World War On what criteria do you base your assessment - Essay Example The Germans sought to forego the horrors that dominated trench warfare by technically re-engineering the way in which soldiers met with enemy combatants on the battlefield. However, the Germans were not unique in such an alternate approach as the Allies sought to find a way to avoid a protracted ground battle that would likely see both sides grind to a halt and re-invoke the painful lessons and memories of trench warfare during the Second World War. As a means to avert this, the Allies opted for a litany of approaches; however, for the purposes of this brief research, the one that will be focused upon with the most depth will be that of the CBO (Combined Bomber Offensive) which aimed to bring about the combined destruction of German industry, economics, and moral by providing a steady stream of aerial bombardment to Germany throughout much of the latter part of World War II. Though this aerial bombardment has come to be collectively recognized as a key determinant with respect to the Allied victory, this analysis will attempt to define the campaign, categorize its intended and realized goals, and attempt to draw a level of meaning upon overall effectiveness based upon these prior definitions. Thought it would be foolish to claim that the importance of aerial bombardment was determined as a useful means by the Allies completely of their own volition and in a type of vacuum as it were, it would also foolish to fail to consider the means by which the German aerial bombardment of Britain had a profound effect in guiding and directing the way the Allies thought concerning such a tactic (Childers 2005, p. 79). As night after night for nearly an entire year, the cities and infrastructure of Britain was tormented by nearly incessant German aerial bombardment during the Battle of Britain, it is without question that the formulation of what would become CBO took careful note of the means by which such a form of warfare affected the populace, the moral, and was a useful, albeit costly mechanism, whereby the Allies could seek to leverage an advantage over Germany while at the same time seeking to undermine the nation economically, morally, and industrially (Parramore 2012, p. 75). Similarly, before delving into the overall effectiveness of such a strategy in bringing about the end to the war, one must also consider the fact that after the Battle of Britain was all but decided, the strength and potency of the German Luftwaffe had been so seriously degraded that it no longer had the capability to successfully counter the streams of lumbering bombers that pummeled its cities with tonne after tonne of payload. Likewise, the fact that the Luftwaffe was not only degraded from losses from the Battle of Britain but also from the fact that Operation Barbarossa had already begun in the East ensured that a supreme lack of equipment and support for air defense of the homeland was something that was all but assured (Gentile 1997, p. 53). Approaching the issue fro m this light, it is easy to understand why the Allies used this opportunity to leverage the seemingly inexhaustible production strength that the United States was able to supply Great Britain as fighter blames and bombers were replaced on the front lines at a rate greater than the Luftwaffe and supporting aerial defense ground forces could bring them

Wednesday, October 16, 2019

Financial plan Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 1250 words

Financial plan - Essay Example During this time, a majority of the students on campus leaves and return to their homes and if they have a pet, they must either take it home with them where it might not be allowed, or they have to find a boarder, which is where we come in. We will be offering not only students, but also all members of the Bloomington community, the ability board their animals for extended periods for a fee. Some of the major sources of revenue to the Hoosier Pet Palace include pet grooming and boarding, breeding, and handling. On the other hand, the expenses are in the form of food for dogs, veterinary services, wages, electricity, interest on loan and others. Situational Review Hoosier Pet Palace is a unique entity, being the first to incorporate both pet care service and waste food recycling, Hoosier Pet Palace has a great potential for growth and limited competition in Bloomington, Indiana. There are two major pet care service providers in Bloomington: Canine Companions and The Dog House. Canine Companions was established in 1993 that distinguish themselves from others as â€Å"the only complete full-service one-stop pet care facility in the Bloomington area.† Not only do they provide daycare, they also provide boarding programs, medical treatments, training, exercise options, and grooming services. The Dog House, established in 2005, prides themselves as â€Å"Bloomington’s first and only cage-free boarding and doggy daycare facility.† Both of them have been in Bloomington for years and have established a customer base, which would compete directly with Hoosier Pet Palace. However, unlike Hoosier Pet Palace, they only provide caring services for dogs. Not only would Hoosier Pet Palace provide our service to owners of dogs, we would also provide our service to owners of cats, rabbits, birds, and more. Sources of Start-up Funding Hoosier Pet Palace needs approximately $185,000 for start-up and is in the process of going to banks and different loan agenc ies to borrow sufficient starting capital to acquire all necessary property, materials, and resources. We will be presenting our business plan to different loan agencies hoping for investment. We believe that our business will be successful because of the need that we will be satisfying. Our target market is in abundance in the Bloomington area, so we see a direct need to have an animal boarding facility available to them. Another reason we believe our business will be successful is because of the â€Å"green† initiative that we will be basing our company off. This will appeal to not only the students of the community but also the environmental friendly activists in the community. Strategy for Paying the Loan The bank loan is the largest expense the Hosier Pet Palace will incur throughout the first three years of operation. The business believes it will be successful in its activities and generate enough revenue to continue the business and pay the loan. This is justified by the fact that the target market is abundant in the area and there is need for an animal boarding facility. In addition, the college students have many pets that need services that will be offered by Hoosier Pet Palace. Operational Expenses during start-up Period Hoosier Pet Palace needs approximately $185,000 for starting up the business. This money will go into paying start-up expenses shown in the table below and acquiring the list of equipment for pet care.

Tuesday, October 15, 2019

Obviously, perpetuation of the species is the key bond between men and Essay

Obviously, perpetuation of the species is the key bond between men and women; however, in this age of greater reproductive freedom is this bond still as preva - Essay Example The entire scenario has undergone a change in perception since World War II, which witnessed gender role changes on a massive scale. So much so that relationship experts now argue that there exists a universal bond between men and women that goes beyond the traditional reproductive roles, however differently or specifically they are construed by differing cultures. The traditional concepts of gender roles arose from an era when men occupied the workplace and women the home, and the only occasion for them to get together was for romance. They now work together, play together and socialize together. Such changes bring the different aspects of a universal bond to the fore, though there are several challenges that such relationships face. Talcott Parson’s model of the nuclear family has compared a traditional view with a more liberal one, even as he continued to support the view that the feminine role was an expressive one, carrying out internal functions while the masculine role was â€Å"instrumental†, focused on external functions. At one extreme, he admits that there are situations when all barriers cease to exist and other bonds do come into play. Hence Parson’s model can be seen as one of the earliest scientific proposals of the theory of a universal bond. In reality, the actual behavior between individuals is most often somewhere in between. (Quotes from Talcott Parsons. Concepts for Sociology). There are several challenges to non-romantic male-female relationships. Don OMeara, Ph.D., at the University of Cincinnati-Raymond Walters College, argues that relationships devoid of lust are genuine, but difficult to identify. Further, the platonic relationship would always be in danger of slipping into a sexual one, posing another challenge. Traditional gender inequalities in how power is wielded do affect the roles even in platonic relationships, causing strains in the universal bond. Since there are more doubters

Analysis of the Story Doctor in the House Essay Example for Free

Analysis of the Story Doctor in the House Essay The story to be analyzed is entitled â€Å"Doctor in the house† written by Richard Gordon. He also wrote several novels and screenplays dealing with practice of medicine. The extract is about passing oral and written exams on medicine. The author describes the way how the main character passed his examinations. He considered it to be death. A lot of images can be found in the text. They create atmosphere of a contest, a court, musical playing. The author emphasizes the inevitability of meeting Secretary to hear the sentence In 1952, he left medical practice and took up writing full time. He has an uncredited role as an anesthesiologist in the movie Doctor in the House. The early Doctor novels, set in the fictitious St Swithins, a teaching hospital in London, were initially witty and apparently autobiographical; later books included more sexual innuendo and farce. The novels were very successful in Britain in Penguin paperback during the 1960s and 1970s. Richard Gordon also contributed to Punch magazine and has published books on medicine, gardening, fishing and cricket. The film adaptation of Doctor in the House was released in 1954, two years after the book, while Doctor at Sea came out the following year with Brigitte Bardot. Dirk Bogarde starred as Dr. Simon Sparrow in both. The later spin-off TV series were often written by well-known British comic performers. Doctor in the House begins with the lead protagonist getting into a fictional medical college in London, St. Swithins. He collects a handful of faithful friends, including Grimsdyke, whose main aim to remain an eternal student as his aunt has left a large legacy in his name, for the duration of his course (as the funds will cease once he qualifies, he prefers to fail every examination). The book goes through the trials and tribulations of their college lives-sports, studies, spats with teachers and love affairs. Snippets like using a human skull as an ash-tray and trying to weasel out of tight situations in examinations will strike a chord not only in every doctor and medical student, but also in anyone who has ever attempted an examination! In one of my favourite incidents, Simon (the hero) is asked to check a patient’s eyes with an ophthalmoscope. He says ’’I always intended to find out how this thing worked, but never got around to doing it’’ Further, on checking the patient’s eyes, his comment was that ’’it looked like fishes swimming in an aquarium full of murky water.’’ Luckily for him, he was able to wriggle out of the situation by a simple trick, and eventually passed the examination! The book is full of incidents like that, and will keep you laughing page after page. When I finished the book, I felt a vague disappointment that it was over so soon! There is a little flirting, but nothing that even an adolescent reader’s mother would censor. Hindi films are a lot worse!! So if you havent been exposed to Richard Gordon yet, this is a good time to start. This is the original book in the Doctor in the House series and deals with his medical training. The Doctor books were written as memoirs, a fiction continued by the author and main characters name being the same. In reality, Dr. Richard Gordon Dr. Gordon Ostlere, a highly-qualified surgeon and anaethetist and contemporary of my uncle who was a reknowned anaethestist himself but I didnt know that at the time. Humourous stories of young doctors at medical school. A series of films were based on the Doctor books, and a television series as well. This one was first published in 1952. Product Description Richard Gordons acceptance into St Swithans medical school came as no surprise to anyone, least of all him after all, he had been to public school, played first XV rugby, and his father was, lets face it, a St Swithans man. Surely he was set for life. It was rather a shock then to discover that, once there, he would actually have to work, and quite hard. Fortunately for Richard Gordon, life proved not to be all dissection and textbooks after allThis hilarious hospital comedy is perfect reading for anyone whos ever wondered exactly what medical students get up to in their training. Just dont read it on your way to the doctors! About the Author Richard Gordon is best-known for his hilarious Doctor books and the long-running television series they inspired. Himself a qualified doctor, he worked as an anaesthetist, ships surgeon and then as assistant editor of the British Medical Journal before leaving medical practice in 1952 to take up writing full time. Many of his books are based on these experiences in the medical profession and are all told with the rye wit and candid humour that have become his hallmark.

Monday, October 14, 2019

Effectiveness Of The Post Sentence Supervision Provisions Criminology Essay

Effectiveness Of The Post Sentence Supervision Provisions Criminology Essay This essay will examine whether the effectiveness of the post sentence supervision provisions for dangerous offenders are adequate. The changing attitude towards the treatment of dangerous offenders will be explored showing that in the twenty first century, the term dangerous offender includes sexual and violent offenders. Most public attention is focused on those who commit sexual and predatory acts against children; hence paedophiles are often associated with such dangerous people. It is a subject which has interested me particularly as the stakes are so high if things do not go to plan. My interest arose due to the adverse publicity surrounding high profile cases where dangerous offenders reoffend and it spurred me into examining whether the post sentence supervision orders worked. The term dangerous offender can also be extended to include potential terrorists, the socially excluded as well as other violent and sexual offenders who carry out offences with a varying degree of seriousness. More controversially dangerousness is also applied to the mentally ill who commit grave offences. At one time the punishment had to fit the crime and although this is still true it has to be looked at in tandem with the risk to society of permitting an offender back into the community. The Multi-Agency Public Protection Arrangements (MAPPA) arrangements were introduced to deal with those dangerous offenders who exist in the community, managing them so that they do not pose a threat to society. MAPPA is a multi agency approach consisting of the police, local authorities, schools, probation service and similar entities. What is the main aim of MAPPA; is to reform the conduct of previous offenders so that through their treatment and rehabilitation they no longer wish to re-offend; or is their aim to merely be preventative and reactionary stopping any re-offending by close supervision? The issue of releasing dangerous offenders into the community is highly controversial because the repercussions of re-offending can be horrendous. It only takes one case where another heinous crime is committed for a public outcry to ensue with the press claiming that the MAPPA system is not working. In addition the effects on the victims is acute with claims that the re-offender should not have been released early or at all, as clearly they still pose a great risk to society. Carefully balanced against the publics desire to be protected is the human rights aspect of the offender. In recent years there has been a tendency for home secretaries to get involved in what are perceived as lenient sentences given to dangerous offenders. In a couple of instances the respective home secretary has intervened to increase the recommended minimum sentence before an offender can be considered eligible for parole. The House of Lords, following an earlier decision, has recently ruled that such intervention by the home secretary is incompatible with the offenders human rights. I will use both qualitative sources with a lesser amount of quantitative material, some extracted at primary sources. Proposed chapters at this juncture are: Chapter 1 The concept of dangerousness will be explored to highlight the type of offenders under discussion. We will look at the controversial area of mentally incapable dangerous offenders and their treatment. An analysis of the legislation including relevant guidance and the views of some academic commentators will be undertaken. Chapter 2 The functioning of the multi-agency public protection arrangements will be examined in detail including a look at one particular police force. Their methodology and data will be examined to ascertain if they are successful or adequate and what is meant by adequate. Government and academic commentaries will be considered Chapter 3 Some high profile publicised cases causing concern will be examined which will lead the press and others to condemn the post supervision orders of dangerous offenders. The issue of dangerous foreign offenders committing serious offences in the UK will be examined. Chapter 4 Analysis of MAPPA data will be examined which will highlight the successes and failures of post sentencing initiatives and suggest possible reforms. Dangerous offenders have human rights and the cases of Anderson and more recently, Whiting, will be explored looking at the aspect of political intervention in minimum recommended sentences. Conclusion will tie all material together with my thoughts on the adequacy of post supervision of dangerous offenders. Literature Review A wide range of literature has been examined including secondary sources comprising eminent academic commentators and also primary sources including court judgments and published reports of the managing agencies have been examined. Other original sources under scrutiny include newspaper articles and commentaries of various public sector personnel. There is an inherent bias built into the views of the MAPPA agencies and government ministers who seek to justify the effectiveness of their respective areas of work. Chapter 1 The modern day criminal justice system in Britain is geared at the rehabilitation of offenders so the prison system is not only a means of incarceration to remove the offender from posing any danger to the public, but also a vehicle for preparing the offender for release and re-integration into society. The Criminal Justice Act 2003 (which has been amended by the Criminal Justice and Immigration Act 2008) sets out the criteria for dealing with dangerous offenders and is important to the court for sentencing purposes. Dangerous offenders are identified by reference to the commission of specified violent and sexual offences set out in Schedule 15 of the Criminal Justice Act. That Act says that a court must determine whether there is a significant risk to members of the public of serious harm by the commission by him of further offences (Criminal Justice Act, S 229). In a recent case the Court of Appeal held that in determining dangerousness the court was not confined to considering only admissible evidence and could consider, as it did in the case, an alleged history of violence although the offender did not have convictions (R v Considine and Davis, 2007). Public protection was enhanced under the Criminal Justice Act by the introduction of a sentence of imprisonment for public protec tion which ensures that certain offenders are not released until the Parole Board determines that it is safe to do so. Problems arise because although the term dangerous offender is used in a general way it is in fact extremely difficult to predict who is dangerous as individuals vary in their behaviour. Not only do individuals vary as between each other so that there are differing degrees and shades of dangerousness but also, on an individual basis, the scope for carrying out dangerous and violent acts may vary on a daily basis. The notion of dangerousness is therefore extremely complex in itself and is capable of shifting on an individual basis whereby assessing and predicting future behaviour can be compared to attempting to mould soft sand into a permanent form. Human nature can be fundamentally and inherently unpredictable even among stable law abiding individuals, so when mentally unstable people are added to the melting pot, the decision as to assessing their dangerousness becomes more complex. In the UK, policies addressing those with dangerous and severe personality disorders (DSPD) has expanded considerably in recent years against a background that people with personality disorders should not be precluded from accessing services available to the rest of society. The DSPD programme deals with patients who have the most severe personality disorders. The DSPD programme offers an intensive multi disciplinary treatment programme based on individual need and comprising a cognitive-behavioural group-based intervention approach with opportunities for social interaction, in ward-based community meetings for example. Specific treatment includes offence-specific groups, such as sex offender group and violence reduction programmes. There has been a shift of policy from placing people with DSPD in prisons into secure hospitals with the National Health Service taking a more active role in providing treatment. A smaller number of medium secure and community places have been programmed, but so far the implementation has fallen behind target and the rehabilitation of DSPD patients back into the community remains extremely challenging. Evaluation of the DSPD programme is a work in progress and the impact of this policy on reoffending rates remains to be deduced. Persons assessed as having DSPD must be detained for treatment and discharge from detention is dependent upon a test of public safety as against favourable responsiveness to treatment. The link between dangerous behaviour and mental illness remains embedded in public opinion despite the attempts of mental health practitioners to highlight the absence of such a connection. A study of public opinion towards schizophrenia found that 70% of respondents view this group as dange rous (Crisp et al, 2001). Regarding treatment in the community following release from prison or hospital, Leung cites the European judgment of W v Sweden 1988, in which compulsory medication on discharge from hospital was not a deprivation of liberty and would not impinge Article 5 of the European Convention on Human Rights (Leung, 2002). Prison population has increased dramatically over the last fifteen years from circa 43,000 at the start of the 1990s (Home Office, 2005a) to in excess of 80,000 today. Although there are numerous reasons given to explain this startling increase, the focus of the public on dangerousness is one such explanation. In 2006 a review was conducted which claimed that prison was the best place for dangerous offenders as it stopped them from re-offending (Home Office, 2006a, p. 32). In 2007 with the creation of the Ministry of Justice the preceding approach to detaining dangerous offenders for a long time did not change. On the contrary, the newly formed Ministry reiterated that prison places are available to protect the public from dangerous offenders (Ministry of Justice, 2007, p 4). The 1990s preoccupation with public protection shaped the policies of protecting the public from the risk of serious harm arising from violent offenders and the aim of responding more effectively to the risk of paedophiles and the increase in child sex abuse (Grubin, 1998) Within the UK the population is generally extremely fearful of the level of violent and sexual crime (Ditton Farrell, 2002; Kemshall, 2003). The focus on this type of crime has been exacerbated by the media and even when crime rates are shown to be falling, the public perception is that they are living in a more violent society. Dangerousness has therefore been widely used to describe an increasing amount of offences and has been accompanied with an expectation of more punitive sentences to deal with the increase. Barbara Hudson asserts that there has been a significant shift from doing justice to controlling risks as the goal of law and order and penal strategies (Hudson, 2002; p 101). The modern society is characterised by the increasing scope and influence of the mass media. The far reaching scrutiny of the global mass media means that the negatives of modern society are reported and in terms of criminal justice, its failings can be exposed. Such exposure is accompanied by cynici sm towards expert opinions and the positive effects of legislation (Garland, 2000). Garland (2001, p178) has described the space between the community and prisons as having become more strictly enforced stating that Those offenders who are released into the community are subject to much tighter control than previously and conditions that continue to restrict their freedomà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‚ ¦.the community into which they are released is actually a closely monitored terrain, a supervised space, lacking much of the liberty that one associates with normal life. Commenting on a Panorama programme broadcast in 2006, HM Chief Inspector of Probation said he thought the programme made a fair point when he said that general talk of close supervision and monitoring of offenders can give a misleading impression to the public of the extent of measures taken to prevent them (Bridges, 2007). It is clear in the early stages of this essay that there are different views on the nature and extent of monitoring to which dangerous offenders are subjected on their release from prison. Academics like Garland above consider the measures stringent, tantamount to imprisonment within the community, whereas the enforcers of those measures, probation workers, maintain that it is unhelpful to make it sound as if community service is prison in the community which it plainly is not (Bridges, 2007 p 4). Chapter 2 Violent sex offenders Once prisoners reach the end of their sentence but are still considered dangerous, measures are put in place to manage them in the community. The Violent and Sex Offender Register (ViSOR) is managed by the National Policing Improvement Agency of the Home Office. It comprises records stored on a database of those obligated to register with the police in accordance with the Sexual Offences Act 2003; those jailed for more than 12 months for violent offences and people not convicted of any crimes but who are deemed to be at risk of offending. It was rolled out to every probation area and prison establishment in England and Wales in 2008 with police, probation and prison services using the same IT system for the first time. This co-ordination should ensure that the quality and synchronisation of risk assessments are improved leading to effective interventions to prevent re-offending. In 2009 Greater Manchester Police responded to a freedom of information request under the Freedom of Information Act 2000. In complying with the request the police reported that of 16 people within their jurisdiction who were on the ViSOR since 2007, 4 had not been convicted. So 25% of those on the ViSOR had not yet been convicted of a crime in a court of law yet they were subjected to the reporting and other requirements placed on individuals who are so registered. Sexual Offences Act The notification periods for offenders are also contained within the Sexual Offences Act 2003. Where offenders are subject to imprisonment for life or for more than 30 months; imprisoned for public protection; admitted to hospital under a restriction order or subject to an order for lifelong restriction the notification period is indefinitely. The question of the legitimacy of lifelong registration has been subjected to challenge in recent years. It was successfully challenged in the High Court and the appeal against the decision was dismissed in the Supreme Court which stated that lifelong registration was incompatible with human rights (European Convention on Human Rights, Article 8). Recent Challenge and human rights The ViSOR database holds name and address records, photographs, risk assessment, offenders modus operandi, and an audit trail. The Police National Computer is linked to ViSOR. According to the National Policing Improvement Agency 77,000 records of named individuals are maintained on the database. [7] Sex offenders subject to the register must inform the Police within 3 days [8] of becoming subject to the notification requirements, or within 3 days of various changes occurring [9], including moving home, changing their name, changes of passport details. Offenders must confirm their registration annually [10]. Failure to comply is an offence, subject to a penalty of up to five years imprisonment. The importance of the ViSOR is that providing registered offenders comply with its provisions, then they can be monitored by the appropriate agencies. Although failure to comply has a penalty of up to 5 years imprisonment, this is of little comfort or assistance to people who are subjected to attacks by offenders who have failed to comply with the notification requirements. In this respect the adequacy of the registration provisions are an end in themselves and do not prevent further offending. Generally speaking the public will derive some comfort from the fact that registered offenders are on the radar of the police and are or should be at certain addresses. Problems ensue when the registered offender is not where he should be so that the supervision and monitoring duty on the agencies breaks down. Of course it may be that the offender has forgotten to register a change of address or he cannot be bothered or he has a genuine reason for not complying and that he has no intention of re-offending. The problem is that with the genuine fear of violent crime within the community, the public are alarmed if they should become aware of such failures. Even worse, if a registered offender does re-offend, the public will see this as evidence of the inadequacy of the supervisory arrangements of the ViSOR. If the non compliant registered offender does not reoffend it may be that the public is kept in oblivious ignorance and it does not come to their attention. Multi Agency Partnership Protection Agencies The MAPPA measures were put in place nine years ago in an attempt to improve the effectiveness of the management of offenders who are in the community. MAPPA has statutory force as the arrangements were first set out in the Criminal Justice and Court Services Act 2000 and re-enacted and further strengthened in part 13 section 325 of the Criminal Justice Act 2003 imposing a legal duty on agencies. The measures mainly comprise information sharing and the views of professionals who come together pooling their expertise in order to ensure the public is protected from future offending of dangerous offenders. There are 3 levels of cases under MAPPA. Level 1 can be managed by one agency (usually probation service); level 2 requires more than 1 agency and level 3 requires co-ordination among various agencies. The legal duties placed on the police, prison and probation services acting jointly as the responsible authority to establish arrangements for assessing and managing the risks posed by relevant sexual and violent offenders or other offenders who may cause serious harm to the public; to review and monitor those arrangements; and as part of the reviewing and monitoring arrangements, to prepare and publish an annual report on their operation. Other agencies also under a legal duty to co-operate with the responsible authority include local authority social services, primary care trusts, jobcentre plus, youth offending teams. Local housing providers, local education authorities and electronic monitoring providers. Thus MAPPA involves a wide range of bodies which in itself is good but the effectiveness of its measures lie in the ability to co-ordinate responses across all spectrums of the agencies by the responsible authority. In most cases the offender will be managed by the agency with supervisory responsibility but several offenders require multi-agency management and their risk management plans will be compiled and monitored at MAPPA meetings in which various agencies are present. MAPPA is primarily concerned with managing risk. David Hanson, Minister for Justice said Putting in place thorough systems to ensure high level vigilance of serious sexual and violent offenders on their release from prison is vital in our work protecting communities from crime and he also acknowledges that the introduction of the MAPPA have been successful in reducing risk (Ministry of Justice, 2008). Offenders released into the community following a period of imprisonment of 12 months or more will be subject to a licence with conditions (under the supervision of the probation service. If the offender does not comply with the set conditions, breach action will be taken whereby the offender may be sent back to prison. Sexual offences prevention orders can be made with a full order lasting for a minimum of 5 years and a requirement that the offender registers as a sexual offender. Conditions can be imposed restricting the offender from frequenting school playgrounds for example. Again if the offender breaches the order he can be taken back to court and may be imprisoned for up to 5 years. Foreign travel orders prevents offenders with convictions for sexual offences against children from travelling abroad so as to prevent children from the risk of sexual harm. In 2008, the Home Office began pilots which increased the amount of information about certain child sex offenders which was available to the public. People were able to ask for information about a person who has contact with their children. The pilots took place throughout 4 police areas and were completed in September 2009. Although the pilots were to be evaluated with a view to being implemented nationwide, regardless of the outcome of that evaluation, there is already an obligation to consider during a case review, whether there is a need to disclose information about the offender as part of the risk management plan. This would appear to be duplication and there does seem to be a necessity for MAPPAS to be seen to be continuously evolving as the offender is always one step ahead. Polygraph tests In October 2009 the Ministry of Justice announced that it was piloting mandatory polygraph tests for sex offenders in the community. The polygraph test is being scrutinised to ascertain whether it might be another useful tool for the effective management of sex offenders. The governing legislation is the Offender Management Act 2007 which authorised the mandatory use of polygraphs on sex offenders who are subject to licence upon their entry into the community following their imprisonment. The polygraph test would be used together with, and not instead of, other management offender tools. Castration Chapter 3 As can be seen there are a wide variety of management tools available under the MAPPA arrangements but their effectiveness and adequacy will now be examined. In October 2009 the Daily Telegraph reported that dangerous foreign criminals are remaining in Britain despite strenuous efforts by the Government to remove them. The paper reports that immigration judges have overturned attempts by the Home Office to remove at least 50 foreign criminals from the country in the past year with their defence lawyers arguing that deporting them would breach their human rights. Examples of such cases are Mark Cadle from Berlize, jailed for having sex with a 14 year old girl who judges said would have his human right to family life infringed if deported because his family lived in Britain. A Somali who had been convicted for manslaughter and robbery was allowed to remain in the country after the court said he would be at serious risk of persecution if deported as he was from a minority clan. Of the 50 cases involved 15 include criminals with convictions for serious violent crimes, 4 sex offenders and 13 with drug convictions. In most of the cases lawyers argued that deporting them would breach their human rights to a family life because many had families in Britain. In some instances like the Somali case, the issues were that the person would be subjected to torture if returned to his homeland in breach of Article 3 of the European Convention on Human Rights. On the 2 November 2009 the bleak headlines of the Guardian newspaper read probation service failing to learn lessons over murder of French students, inquiry finds (Travis, 2009). In 2008 two French students were tortured and murdered in London by Dano Sonnex. He was found guilty of their murder and was a violent drug addict who was meant to be under supervision and should have been in jail as he had earlier breached his conditions for release. The case raised fresh anxiety and concerns over the manner in which dangerous offenders are monitored in the community. The parents of the two students were so infuriate that they were preparing to issue proceedings against the probation service and the police. The massive public outcry prompted the chief inspector of probation, Andrew Bridges to look at 276 cases across 10 London boroughs. The findings did not make palpable reading for the relevant MAPPA responsible bodies. Bridges said that the results were disappointing particularly when com pared to 2008 and he deduced that only 54% of the public protection work examined was of sufficiently high level of quality we were looking for. ( ). In 2008 the figure was 63% for the whole London sample so this heralded a poignant deterioration. Another high profile case was the murder of Naomi Bryant in Winchester by Anthony Rice. Rice had served 16 years in prison and had committed several sexual attacks including rape and attempted rape. At the time of the murder he was on life licence and was under the supervision of Hampshire Probation Area alongside numerous other agencies via MAPPA. Following the murder of Bryant an independent report was undertaken which concluded that there were serious shortcomings in the way Rice had been managed prior and since his release from prison. The report revealed that the failure to properly manage Rices risk of being a danger to the community was not the fault of one particular person or agency but was a collective failure of measures both within the prison and the community. Upon his release there was no clear indication of who took the lead responsibility for Rice and there followed transfers of key responsibilities which made for inconsistencies and lack of co-ordination. The conditions on the Licence were vague; for example one condition stated that Rice should not misuse substances and the hostel staff where he was staying interpreted this as meaning that he could consume alcohol. The report criticised the MAPPA panel for allowing them to be distracted by human rights consideration at the expense of public protection. The report highlighted lack of communication and errors of judgment and reinforced the importance of the three responsible agencies having clarity and consistency in their practices and procedures. The next notorious case concerns the murder of John Monckton and the attempted murder of his wife by 2 young men both under the supervision of London probation. When Hanson was 17 years old he received a sentence of 12 years for attempted murder and conspiracy to commit robbery, and it was during his licence period for this offence that he committed the murder of Monckton. Hanson ought to have been referred to MAPPA but he was not, despite being assessed as a high risk of causing harm. So despite being branded as a high risk he was not treated as such. The parole board failed to appreciate the relevance of Hansons predeliction for using instrumental violence and his recorded included utilising violence for financial advantage. Hanson was placed on a CALM programme which does not address this type of violence. After his release he was to report to an office which was within the exclusion zone from which he was banned; clearly a mistake. His residency was also an issue resulting in him living in a hostel which had not been approved by the parole board because the approved hostel in Essex had refused his application. The interpretation of licence conditions caused problems and the risk of harm posed was not assessed or managed adequately and there was a lack of co-ordination with the partnership arrangements. The inspectorate report concluded there was a collective failure to describe the failure in practices of all those managing Hanson and White and acknowledged the considerable organisational constraints in their management (HM Inspectorate of Probation, 2006) Positive Aspects There are however some positive aspects to the work of MAPPA (HM Inspectorate of Probation, 2006). The report decided that in the vast majority of cases MAPPA had been very effective and produced good work although there was still room for improvement. The report concluded that the risk of harm assessments had been accurate in a high proportion of cases. The probation and prison services worked closely in order to identify appropriate offender programmes and appropriate tools were activated to manage the risk of harm posed by particular offenders. The public protection arrangements which existed in 2001 and found wanting (Maguire et al 2001) had greatly improved by 2005. In 2001 apart from the probation and police few of the other agencies bothered to attend meetings. The introduction of the Criminal Justice Court Services Act 2000 had made real and major improvements to the management of high risk cases. In 2005 most agencies were attending meetings and recording decisions and the evidence used to reach their conclusions with all areas having regular case reviews and information sharing protocols in place. Procedures were in place to manage offenders at all the levels including appropriate risk classification tools and gate keeping through the system. However resources were a problem as were the IT case management systems. But in the 4 years since 2001 a more structured and clear approach to managing high risk offenders was in place throughout England and Wales (Madoc-Jones, 2006) The lifelong restrictions on sex offenders living and travel arrangements were recently judged to be a breach of human rights (R (JF(by his litigation friend OF) ) Anor v SSHD). Section 82 Sexual Offences Act requires all persons sentenced to thirty months imprisonment or more for a sexual offence to tell the police where they reside and if they travel abroad for the rest of their lives. Importantly there is no right to review the operation of the requirement. Both respondents were sex offenders and they challenged the lifelong notification requirement on the basis that it was a disproportionate requirement and breached their human rights under Article 8 CONCLUSION The important precis from which to start is that unless all dangerous offenders are imprisoned with maximum security so that escape is virtually impossible, it is impossible to guarantee that there is no risk to the public of harm from these offenders. As such measures are impractical, too costly and in breach of human rights legislation, then the present system is the one which exists and in which improvements can be made. In fact the present MAPPA system is a way of protecting the public with measures which do not affront human rights legislation. Unfortunately government policy has in the past been influenced by public outcry with the press wielding influence with its sometimes sensational headlines. The fact remains that the MAPPA and other arrangements involve many people who are capable of making errors of judgments which can have tragic consequences for victims should offenders reoffend. Every time one person is subjected to a sexual or violent attack, there is a public outcry and a condemnation of the release into the community of dangerous offenders and that the measures are inadequate. However MAPPA in itself does comply with the requirements of the human rights legislation Bib Garland, D. (2001) The Culture of Control:Crime and Social Order in Contemporary Society, Oxford: Oxford University Press HMPS (2005 b) Public Protection Arrangement: Working Together to Defend Communities, 17 October 2005, available at: http://www.hmprisonservice.gov.uk/resourcecentre/pressreleases/index.asp?id=4193,230,608,242,0,0, (accessed on 21 June 2010) HM Inspectorate of Probation 2006. An Independent Review of a Serious Further Offence Case: Damien Hanson and Elliot White. Retrieved on 2010 from http://inspectorates.homeoffi

Saturday, October 12, 2019

The Lost Iago in Shakespeares Othello Essay -- Othello essays

The Lost Iago in Othello  Ã‚        Ã‚  Ã‚   In Shakespeare’s Othello the sinister nature of the ancient casts a pall of uneasiness over the narrative of the play. How can the evil influence of one character be so pervasive? Let us in this essay probe his character and find answers to our questions.    In â€Å"Historical Differences: Misogyny and Othello† Valerie Wayne exposes Iago’s inability to praise women when Desdemona asks him how he would do it:    Iago’s worry that he cannot do what Desdemona asks implies that his dispraise of women was candid and easily produced, while the praise requires labour and inspiration from a source beyond himself. His insufficiency is more surprising because elsewhere in the play Iago appears as a master rhetorician, but as Bloch explains, ‘the misogynistic writer uses rhetoric as a means of renouncing it, and, by extension, woman.’ (163)    First of all, Iago’s very words paint him for what he is. Robert Di Yanni in â€Å"Character Revealed Through Dialogue† states that the evil antagonist reveals his character quite plainly through his speech:    Iago’s language reveals his coarseness; he crudely reduces sexual love to animal copulation. It also shows his ability to make things happen: he has infuriated Brabantio. The remainder of the scene shows the consequences of his speech, its power to inspire action. Iago is thus revealed as both an instigator and a man of crude sensibilities. (123)    And looking within Iago for the cause can yield the answer that the ancient is psychologically sick. In Shakespeare’s Four Giants Blanche Coles comments on the mental illness that appears to afflict the despicable Iago:    When such old time critics as H. N. Hudson, who wrote ne... ...o: A Tragedy of Beauty and Fortune.† Readings on The Tragedies. Ed. Clarice Swisher. San Diego: Greenhaven Press, 1996. Reprint from â€Å"The Noble Moor.† British Academy Lectures, no. 9, 1955.    Shakespeare, William. Othello. In The Electric Shakespeare. Princeton University. 1996. http://www.eiu.edu/~multilit/studyabroad/othello/othello_all.html No line nos.    Wayne, Valerie. â€Å"Historical Differences: Misogyny and Othello.† The Matter of Difference: Materialist Feminist Criticism of Shakespeare. Ed Valerie Wayne. Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1991.    Wright, Louis B. and Virginia A. LaMar. â€Å"The Engaging Qualities of Othello.† Readings on The Tragedies. Ed. Clarice Swisher. San Diego: Greenhaven Press, 1996. Reprint from Introduction to The Tragedy of Othello, the Moor of Venice by William Shakespeare. N. p.: Simon and Schuster, Inc., 1957.